Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s public address from the Red Fort was his eleventh on a trot as prime minister, but the first he delivered as the head of a coalition government with the BJP no longer commanding a parliamentary majority, as was the case on previous occasions.
But there was little variation in his tone and tenor, with no reflection of the fact that his existence at the helm was now heavily dependent on an assortment of coalition partners not always necessarily on the same page as the BJP.
His speech primarily focused on presenting to the people a litany of what has been ‘accomplished’ over the decade he has been in power, only furthering the BJP and the Sangh Parivar’s political agenda, while throwing little light on the common objectives of the coalition.
In fact the government, even after more than two months in existence, does not have an agreement on the aims and objectives of the coalition. There is also no reconstituted coordination committee of the National Development Alliance (NDA).
For instance, it was imprudent for Modi to use this ceremonial platform to voice concern about the security of Hindus in Bangladesh. He was speaking just a day or so after Muhammad Yunus, Chief Advisor to the interim government in Bangladesh, visited the historic Dhakeshwari Temple. After meeting members of the distressed Hindu community, Yunus assured them that Bangladesh belongs to everyone and that each citizen is guaranteed equal rights.
Bangladesh’s de facto foreign minister, Touhid Hossain, during a ‘courtesy meeting’ with Indian High Commissioner Pranay Verma pointed out that Sheikh Hasina’s political statements from Indian soil could only hinder advancing bilateral ties, already under test after recent developments. Modi’s personal intervention would not contribute to easing the situation.
In fact, it politically suits the BJP, smarting under an electoral below-par performance, to arouse resentment against Muslims here because of attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh.
In recent weeks, various BJP leaders, including the national leadership, have taken steps that have the potential to polarise people on lines of religious identity.
The Waqf Bill, now referred to as a Joint Parliamentary Committee, is just one of the developments, besides the beefing up of the anti-conversion law and revival of ‘Romeo squads’ in Uttar Pradesh.
In his Independence Day speech, Modi also made a case once again for the passage of a ‘Secular Civil Code’ in place of what he termed, a ‘Communal Civil Code’, which was little but another instance of dog-whistle politics, typically BJP’s style when politically on the backfoot.
Modi also decided to rake up the One Nation One Election issue despite considerable opposition to the proposal over fears that this will stifle electoral choices and legitimise the formation of unscrupulous coalitions. Moreover, multiple changes, including constitutional amendments, will be necessary in the legal framework to change the electoral and governance systems from what prevails at the moment. Furthermore, experts have asserted that the government should have a two-thirds majority in the House. Given that, even with its coalition partners, these numbers are lacking, Modi’s reference to One Nation One Election was little but political rhetoric aimed at stoking political embers.
Given that Modi was speaking on an occasion that marks a watershed in India’s emergence from colonial rule, one cannot but expect him to present history from the Sangh Parivar’s perspective. It is indeed deeply problematic that Modi lets no opportunity go by, without bunching into one the periods of Indian medieval history and colonial rule.
This was, however, not the first time that Modi has termed the period beginning in the period between the ninth and eleventh century AD, as ‘centuries of slavery’ — he has in fact even made this declaration in June 2023 in his address to the Joint Session of the US Congress.
But then, Modi shall remain true to primary personality – someone used to a commanding parliamentary majority. It is for his coalition partners, besides of course the electors too, who have the option to serve reminders that the equation has been altered for the moment and this calls for moderation on every occasion and on each platform.
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